Suchergebnisse

2019 ReSAKSS Annual Trends and Outlook Report 45 Anew wave of land reforms has swept across a large number of developing countries since the millennium. Prior to the millennium, land tenure reform toward an individual freehold system was seen as a prerequisite for development in Africa south of the Sahara (SSA) by governments, development partners, and practitioners (Feder and Noronha 1987; Migot- Adholla et al. 1994). The arguments in favor of reforming the customary African land tenure system were mainly based on the neoclassical economic theory of property rights (Demsetz 1967; Barzel 1997) that predicts greater productivity as land tenure becomes more secure and individualized. Reflecting neoliberal thinking about private property rights, Besley (1995) identified three channels through which secure property rights can, in principle, bring about positive economic outcomes, namely (1) tenure security and higher land investment incentives; (2) smooth functioning of the land markets (tradability) that smooths farm input adjustment; and (3) facilitating access to institutional credit by allowing land to be used as collateral. These hypothesized effects of tenure security rely heavily on the neoclassical framework that presupposes markets for all goods and services (including credit and insurance markets) exist and, therefore, market clearing prices determine demand and supply choices of households (Bardhan 1989; Hoff, Braverman, and Stiglitz 1993). ; PR ; IFPRI1; ReSAKSS; CRP2; CRP4 ; AFR; PIM; DSGD; A4NH ; CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM); CGIAR Research Program on Agriculture for Nutrition and Health (A4NH)

Challenging inequality : obstacles and opportunities towards women's rights in the Middle East and North Africa / Sameena Nazir -- Impact of public attitudes / Brian Katulis -- Tables and graphs -- Introduction to country reports -- Algeria -- Bahrain -- Egypt -- Iraq -- Jordan -- Kuwait -- Lebanon -- Libya -- Morocco -- Oman -- Palestine (Palestinian authority and Israeli-occupied territories) -- Qatar -- Saudi Arabia -- Syria -- Tunisia -- United Arab Emirates -- Yemen -- Survey methodology -- Checklist questions -- Ratings and scoring system

Centering on women's movements before, during, and after the revolutions that started in 2010, Women's Movements in Post-"Arab Spring" North Africa highlights the broader sources of authority that affected the emergence of new feminist actors and agents and their impact on the sociopolitical landscapes of the region. (Provided by publisher)

Unexpected and transformative revolutions broke off in North Africa and quickly spread to the Middle East and the rest of the world in 2010 and 2011. Spontaneous, leaderless, youth-driven, and backed by social media, these revolutions called for karamah (dignity) and democracy. Centering on women's movements before, during, and after the revolutions, Women's Movements in Post-"Arab Spring" North Africa highlights the broader sources of authority that affected the emergence of new feminist actors and agents and their impact on the sociopolitical landscapes of the region. Until recently, studies of North African women's movements have focused on aspects of women's achievements one at a time. By providing a comparative analysis, this book is the first to shed light not only on the role that these superstructures play in shaping women's experiences in North Africa, but also on the rich variety of women's responses to authority and their potential contributions to African and global feminist thought. From the pre-history of the revolutions to their aftermath, the far-reaching historical and national scope of this collection expands the study of women's movements in North Africa beyond national borders, while still paying close attention to local characteristics.

Twenty years after the African Union adopted the Maputo Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa, constitutional and legislative provisions on women's rights have proliferated across the continent. Sub-Saharan Africa has achieved some of the world's highest rates of improvement in women's economic empowerment. African women have also been at the forefront of global efforts to increase female representation in political and business leadership, peacebuilding, and other areas. But progress on women's rights has been weaker in the domain of family law on issues including inheritance rights and reproductive freedom. Africa also ranks lowest in closing the gender gap in education, despite major gains at the primary school level.

In the spring of 2011 citizens in one Arab country after another rose in defiance of authoritarian regimes to demand political change. It appeared that the region had caught up with the "third wave" of democratization — perhaps even ushering in a fourth one — and would embark on successful democratic transitions. After all, polls since 2000 had shown strong support for democracy in almost all Arab countries (Moaddel, 2007). The road since then, however, has been rocky with quite different trajectories that a burgeoning body of literature has analyzed. Less researched has been the gendered nature of the uprisings, that is, how gender relations and women's mobilizations have shaped these trajectories, as well as how women and their rights have been affected.

AbstractNorth Korea references gender equality in its socialist constitution, but the de facto social and legal circumstances that women face in the country are far below the de jure status they are purported to enjoy. North Korean women endure extremely low public health standards and pervasive harassment. Yet their growing market power and social influence are underestimated. Women account for the majority of North Korean border crossers, and their informal economic activities are supporting families while modernizing the economy. This essay examines the dangers of exploitation that North Korean women face and highlights the ethical and legal imperatives of supporting their roles in marketizing the economy and liberalizing the society in one of the worst human rights–violating states. Women are North Korea's most deserving recipients of international assistance and the country's most promising partners to the world.

The term "Amazigh" denotes the major linguistic minority of North Africa. However, "Berber" still remains the more widely used ethno-linguistic word for them. In antiquity, the Romans and Byzantines used this term to refer to those who did not speak the region's "lingua franca", Greek. During and after the arrival of Islam in the seventh century, the Arabs followed this Greco-Roman practice and referred to the indigenous peoples they encountered as "barbar." The French and English speakers adopted the vulgarised term, "Berber", and coined the word "Barbary," with respect to the region of North Africa and its people.

Metadata only record ; The COHRE has been working along with communities, governments and non-government organizations for over 10 years. This link takes you to a summary of the book on ten African countries. The objective of this summary is to use accessible language that can be understood by every one regardless of education level. The report explains the concept of rights, women's rights, housing rights, and inheritance. It suggests action for both governments and non-government organizations. The report ends with comprehensive information list on each one of the ten countries.